First libertarian party committees, then the Republican National Committee, filed a suit last week to claim for political parties the advantages enjoyed by Super PACs. Each wishes to raise unlimited individual funds for “independent expenditures.”  The cases are a predictable consequence of Speechnow.org v. FEC: these party committees are arguing that what is good for the outside groups should be good for them, so long as they are also spending independently of their candidates.

Following this posting, Norm Ornstein tweeted a vigorous dissent, saying that I had mischaracterized his position on the value of elevating to the Supreme Court former politicians with a real world view of politics.  He does not hold that position, he writes, and I see no reason to press the point in the face of this objection.  If his position is different from the one presented in the posting, then that should be noted and acknowledged, and no more need be said about it here.

Discussion of the role of politicians in the production of  campaign finance laws has produced striking differences of opinion.  George Will warns that elected officials will always serve themselves when writing the rules, and the outcome will more likely than not be unconstitutional.  But Norm Ornstein—dissatisfied with the Court’s polarized performance on campaign finance, among other issues—would prefer to see more politicians among The Nine. Off the campaign trail and on the bench, they can provide a “real world” perspective on law and politics that would make for better judicial review.

Of the several constitutional amendments favored by Justice Stevens, the one dealing with campaign finance reform strikes Cass Sunstein as “the strongest.” Cass Sunstein, The Refounding Father, N.Y. Review of Books Vol. LXI, No. 10 (June 5, 2014) at 10.  He argues that without controls on political spending, income inequality will beget political inequality.  Especially because we are prepared to accept vast inequality in the economic sphere, we cannot tolerate it in our politics. To the extent that we might worry about incumbent entrenchment if politicians are empowered to set the rules of the game, we should take comfort that the workings of the political process—“democratic debate”—will supply the necessary safeguards.

At a time of intense struggle over civil enforcement of campaign finance laws, Wisconsin’s  “John Doe” case turns the discussion to the invocation of criminal law in a way not seen since the investigations of the 1996 presidential election campaign.