If the contribution limits are not violated, then their everyday normal operation generally escapes notice.  We just assume regular order; the campaign finance law works as it should.  A donor gives within the limit, the donation is reported, and all is well.  The Center for Competitive Politics has challenged this complacency and raised one interesting question about the limits as they are now structured.

The McCutcheon decision intensified the disagreement about when the use of money in politics is corrupt, and when it is just politics.  Chief Justice Roberts endorsed in general terms one bond that money creates—official “responsiveness” to constituents, whom he apparently took to include donors.  The Chief Justice ruled out legislative attacks on the “ingratiation” and “access” that contributions might buy.  McCutcheon v. FEC, 134 S.Ct. 1434, 1441, 1462 (2014).  Critics were appalled.  Yet, for all the excitement that followed, neither the few lines the Roberts opinion almost summarily devoted to the question nor much of the response to him helped clarify the critical issue: what is tolerable politics and what crosses the line?

In the discussion of Super PACs,  seemingly different concerns tend to intermingle or become fused together, creating confusion.  Most obvious is the continuing disagreement about whether candidate support for an independent committee, particularly fundraising, results in “coordination.”  Some argue—some propose an amendment to the law to provide—that a candidate’s public endorsement of a committee, including but not limited to appeals for funds, is coordination.  Another view distinguishes among Super PACs and would subject single-candidate committees to stricter coordination than others.

A federal judge once opined that the federal campaign finance laws were hard to follow, and the same perplexity has been expressed by the Supreme Court—directly, in the course of oral argument, and somewhat less directly in an opinion of the court.  See Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310, 334-35 (2010) (Kennedy, J.).  Conflicts over the constitutionality of various enactments and rules are common.  And much has been written about the  use and misuse of the heavily regulated legal process to harass, wear down or disgrace political adversaries.

Notwithstanding all of that, the beleaguered participant in the political process looking for legal advice can run into trouble when shopping for free or discounted legal services. Under federal and numerous state laws, these services are a contribution, like any other “in-kind” contribution, with some exceptions.  A fully  individual volunteer effort is typically permissible.  Or a firm can donate but not bill for the time of its lawyers,  provided the services are solely for the purpose of assuring compliance with the law  and the value of the services is disclosed.  As soon as life becomes more complicated, getting the help of a lawyer runs into contribution limits or restrictions on the sources of funds.

The Center for Responsive Politics and the Sunlight Foundation have teamed up to preview the consequences if the Supreme Court in McCutcheon eliminates the biennial aggregate limit. Their work is the latest of a number of analyses predicting trouble without the limit.  It is also the most recent of its kind to exhibit the flaws in these predictions—and to suggest that the real concern with McCutcheon may lie elsewhere.