As the McCutcheon case nears argument, there is more discussion of the consequences if the Court strikes down the individual aggregate contribution limits. The court could certainly take the occasion to alter the basic Buckley framework and tighten the scrutiny applied to contribution limits. But another line of argument holds that the consequences would be sufficiently drastic if the limits fell but the fundamental constitutional law of the land did not change. On this view, the aggregate contribution limit would invite massive spending for the benefit of candidates that would heighten the risk of corruption.

The District Court in New Mexico that struck down a municipal ban on corporate contributions broke away from other courts that, confronting the question, resolved it the other way under the Supreme Court’s decision in Beaumont. Giant Cab Company v. Bailey, No. 13-cv-00426 (D.N.M filed May 6, 2013); Federal Election Commission v. Beaumont, 539 U.S. 146 (2003). Rick Hasen is confident that Beaumont assures reversal if the case proceeds on appeal (which it may not). Maybe so; but the New Mexico case and perhaps others to follow put in question Beaumont as controlling authority for absolute prohibitions on corporate contributions. In the wake of Citizens United, the outcome remains unclear.

The SCOTUSblog symposium on the McCutcheon case continued with postings on various aspects of the speech and government interests involved in the contribution/expenditure distinction. Justin Levitt argues that overall, in granting more protection to expenditures, the distinction correctly ranks the speech values. The independent expenditure is pure self-expression, the spender’s “unique” view; the contribution helps the candidate’s speech, and as he may speak as he pleases, the message he communicates and the “unique” view of the contributor may well diverge. Tamara Piety affirms the Court’s view that “the expressive interests of contributions are minimal” and that restrictions on them may be necessary to protect against loss of public confidence in government, to enhance the competitiveness of elections, and to focus governmental energies on voters and not contributors.

What this analysis misses in following Buckley is the difference between an interest in speaking about politics, and an interest in effective political speech. The contribution and expenditure distinction is rooted in the first of these interests, and it is for this reason that the expenditure is the constitutionally privileged form of speech. In the Buckley view, the spender speaking just for herself may well treasure volume; the more said, the better, in order to drive the points home. By contrast, because the contributor supposedly speaks through another, “by proxy,” a strictly limited amount given still completes the expressive act of association and fully vindicates this more limited First Amendment interest. The contributor, however, in funding candidate speech is motivated by a deeper interest than Buckley accounts for—an interest in effective political speech.

Among the briefs being filed with the Supreme Court in the pending test of aggregate contribution limits, McCutcheon v. FEC, Docket No. 12-536 (U.S. 2013), Professor Lawrence Lessig’s will draw its fair share of attention. Brief for Professor Lawrence Lessig as Amicus Curiae Supporting Appellee, McCutcheon, Docket No. 12-536. In supporting these limits, he has introduced the Court to his “dependence corruption” theory of regulation. His choice to do so, in this case and in this way, may have been unwise, because whatever may be the theory’s utility or power in other contexts, it does not show especially well in this one.

What to do about super PACs? Joel Gora, no admirer of campaign finance restrictions, argues that we should defend them. Joel Gora, Free Speech, Fair Elections, and Campaign Finance Laws: Can They Co-Exist? Brooklyn Law School, Legal Studies Paper No. 346 (2013). If they have come to typify the problems with money in politics, Gora contends, it is because we fail to appreciate their contribution to free speech, or their origins in long-standing independent expenditure jurisprudence. He adds: they didn't have the impact on the outcome that their critics widely feared. In other words, super PACs are good things, not bad things.